The policy of constructing an Azeri ethno-national diaspora started to be intensively implemented in the early 21 st century. However, the formation of this purposeful policy was preceded by various events that demonstrated a constantly increasing interest on the part of the state in ethnic Azeris living in various countries of the world. This paper presents the results of ethnicity as a social construct research into the process of formation of diaspora politics in Azerbaijan and also analyses the aims and specifics of the mechanisms of its implementation. The second is the bureaucratic practice of the production of a hierarchically structured and co-subordinated organization structure.
The bureaucratization of social networks of Azeris in the world occurs in th years, as a result of which an organizational structure of diaspora is constructed. In the past few obesity quotes child officials of various ranks have been saying that such a document is necessary and work on it is under way.
It is symbolic that this session was held in Baku in the State Committee of the Azerbaijani Republic for Work with the Diaspora with the immediate participation of its director Nazim Ibrahimov. As it turned out later, journalists were somewhat too quick to report that. Only a preliminary version was adopted, work on which is still under way. However, something else ethnicity as a social construct important too. The preparation of such a Charter in the capital of independent Azerbaijan is, in my view, a demonstration of how an independent state not only sponsors the process of construction of diaspora but also tries to control it. Another batch of material I collected using the method of participant observation of various events held in the course of the implementation of diaspora politics conferences, meetings, etc. For Azeris in emigration such centres from where dispersion stemmed are not one but several countries with which they actually identify themselves.
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Integration into the host community is also not perceived unequivocally, depending on from what countries emigration came and also what country is the host one. For example, in Russia sociological theroies most emigrants of the soviet wave no problems with integration arise, while work migrants of the post-soviet wave often face serous difficulties or consider their stay in Russia only as temporary. The criteria of belief in inevitable return to motherland and the feeling of connection to it are also not relevant considering the fact that there is not one such motherland but for ethnicity as a social construct Iranian or Turkish Azeris the Azerbaijani Republic is not perceived as one homeland for all.
Finally, group solidarity looks like the most problematic one. For Russian speaking Azeris group solidarity is defined not through ethnicity but through shared soviet socialization and language.
The borders between the so-called Iranian and Turkish Azeris and natives of the Azerbaijan Republic itself also preserve their firmness. Work migration is an important characteristic for describing social networks and the structure of ethnic organizations created by Azeris in emigration. Members of such entities maintain regular or occasional contacts with what they regard as their homelands and with individuals and groups of the same background residing in other host countries. These definitions do not aim to try to see the phenomenon of diaspora as a process. The republic gained independence in the course of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Karabakh which, as it quite often happens, caused a mobilization of ethnic Azeris who were living in Germany, Russia or USA at the time and sought to give support to their political homeland Demmers, As early as the early s, the country of origin tried with a varying degree of intensity to use this activity which spontaneously emerged and aimed to support the political motherland.
Ethnicity as a social construct happens when the idea to establish trans-state business networks between the host country and the country of origin acquires special popularity, like it has been happening in recent years.
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And even if some of the criteria ethnicity as a social construct by Cohen, Safran or Sheffer can be applied when describing social networks and structure of ethnic organizations created by Go here in emigration, all definitions proposed do not in any way explain the diaspora policy of the Azerbaijani political regime. The term loses its discriminating power — its ability to pick out phenomena, to make distinctions. Since the early s this term has been widely and habitually used in Azerbaijan like, actually, by ethnic activists in emigration too by officials, all possible sorts of experts political analysts, sociologists, historians, etc.
The main criterion is the way the authorities in the homeland describe ethnic Azeris who have for various reasons ended up outside their official nation state. Such an attitude from the authorities covers all ethnic Azeris who either permanently or temporarily including even students reside abroad. The first and the most important reason why dispersion should not be an obstacle for unity is the existence of the independent Azerbaijani Republic.
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The charter calls for following such a manifestation of particular significance of ethnicity. Be proud of being an Azerbaijani!
In the context of the diaspora discourse it is common to believe that it is the considerable number of residents said to be a part of the ethno-national diaspora that largely determines the level of the influence of the community in one or another country.]